From about the mid-1970s, as the liberation struggle heated up in South Africa, radical and revisionist
historians became intensely interested in defining the origins of apartheid. It was a search with a purpose
because, if they could clearly link the rise of apartheid with the evolution of industrial capitalism, they could
then argue that both monsters needed to be overthrown during the forthcoming revolution. They therefore
explored the beginnings of mining and industrial capitalism in South Africa and came to a dramatic
conclusion: there was very definite evidence of growing segregation in the two mining towns of Kimberley
and Johannesburg.
This evidence was subsequently questioned, first by Bill Swanson and later by the historians at the
University of Cape Town. Their conclusion was that there were other circumstances which led to the rise
of segregation and not simply capitalist exploitation. Swanson put it down to White attitudes to health,
what he termed the "sanitation syndrome", which led to segregation at Cape Town and Port Elizabeth.
Christopher Saunders and Vivian Bickford-Smith went further and pointed not only to the fact that the
desire for segregation in pre-industrial Cape Town was rooted as early as the 1880s, but also that the
example had already been set in some of the Eastern Cape towns.
The radicals were nevertheless undoubtedly right, at least to a point. The origin of apartheid does appear
to lie in South Africa's cities although not necessarily the mining and industrial ones. The separation of
the races within the agricultural arena can be explained in terms of neo-feudalism: the Whites tended to
be the land-owners while the Blacks were generally the peasants who worked for them. In the urban
areas, however, the Whites followed clearly defined segregationist tendencies when circumstances and
the law allowed it.
One of the biggest hurdles facing historians, however, is what to make of "traditional liberalism". The
Cape's constitutions of 1853 and 1872, they argue, did not allow for discrimination on the grounds of class
or colour - a "colour-blind" constitution, as it has so often been called. Yet when one compares two cities
at opposite ends of the Colony, namely Cape Town and East London, one is forced to arrive at markedly
different conclusions. In Cape Town, legal discrimination did not happen until the creation of the Ndabeni
Location in 1901, whereas at East London segregation already existed in 1848, and it was certainly written
into the town's municipal regulations as early as 1883.
Historians have had a tendency to portray the more liberal philosophy of Cape Town as being
representative of the Colony as a whole. They are wrong. The capital, as seat of government and
gateway to the world, naturally tended to reflect an elitist ideology that was to a large extent a mirrored
image, even if somewhat frosted, of the changing thought patterns from overseas. While Europe
therefore emerged during the course of the 19th century from the romanticism of the Enlightenment to a
growing spirit of nationalism, Realpolitik and what would later be termed Social Darwinism, so would Cape
Town evolve by 1901 from traditional liberalism to segregation and racism.
Towns like East London, on the other hand, were less influenced by Europe. On the contrary, they
reflected attitudes that were native to the colony itself. While many a resident in Cape Town would
perhaps have wished to see a more segregationist policy introduced into the city at a much earlier date,
they nevertheless found it difficult to voice this in the face of an image of liberalism which had been
fostered over the decades.
The towns of the Eastern Cape did not find this to be a problem. In the first place, they did not have the
cosmopolitan population of Cape Town, many of whom were already "passing for White", but rather found
themselves with two distinct societies that were readily identifiable in terms of culture, ethnicity, language
and colour. It was easy therefore to create and maintain racial separation, which they did as early as the
1840s, and their actions were accepted by the supposedly liberal government officers.
All the towns of the Eastern Cape had segregated townships in one way or another. For most, like Port
Elizabeth, these "locations" would at first be more in the nature of lower class Black ghettos situated close
to the urban area. They would be moved further from the town only after 1901 when the outbreak of the
bubonic plague pandemic caused Whites to panic over contamination. In this Port Elizabeth was similar
to Cape Town. Only East London created radically distinct locations almost from the town's inception and
then maintained these as segregated townships that were situated far from the White urban area. It was
this example which Cape Town admired so much at a time when traditional liberalism was giving way to
a spirit of Social Darwinism towards the end of the 19th century.
Because the East London system was well established and its Location Superintendent so experienced
in controlling segregated townships, it was this model that was essentially offered to South Africa by the
Lagden Commission. This in turn became the blue-print for the new urban locations that were established
near towns like Bloemfontein. While it was possible that the latter location inspired certain measures
contained in the Natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923, it is probable nevertheless that the East London
model was indeed the remote cause. Unfortunately for East London's place in the book of records,
however, its municipality had allowed the East Bank Location to become so run-down by 1920 that it could
no longer inspire anything, let alone an Act of Parliament.
It would, of course, be foolish to claim that East London invented segregation. If, however, one takes the
argument proposed by the radical historians of the 1970s just one step further, one can conclude with
some justification that segregation, and therefore apartheid, evolved particularly as an urban phenomenon.
If, on the other hand, one desires to understand the contemporary urban philosophy of the Cape Colony,
the East London model was much closer to the mould than was Cape Town. The latter, as seat of
government and gateway to Europe, naturally had one foot in each world, whereas East London was
always purely colonial.